Facism in the Modern Age
Facism manifests out of unification by hate, rather than unification by love. It is the force built of the “character armor[s]” theorized by Reich in “The Psychology of Facism” where “negative feelings about oneself are projected against others…the weakest group in society”, which may be minorities based on religion, sexual orientation, or political/economic ideology. And many times the state prior to facism collectively experiences this widespread disdain with national identity, specifically, the instability and weakness of it.
Irving Janis’s groupthink theory describes the fundamental principles of facism and its appeal on a psychological level: for in times of conflict, uncertainty, and instability it is the human instinct to revert to what we are familiar in, to a strong leader, and to be part of a greater, unified social identity. It brings an illusion of strength in the face of the country. Historically, it has taken place with Michael Foucault’s exaggeration of the phenomenon, maintaining only what are deemed socially “acceptable” ideas out of internalization of discipline (self-regulation born out of fear of observation). If we consider what he called ‘biopower’ to be the instrument of facism, it is understandable how Hitler’s rule could have given way to genocide in a manner similar to the college professor’s confession in the Facing History article “No Time to Think”. Essentially biopower is the government’s normalization of individuals into obedient subjects fit for a broader modern working of society, equivalent to the fascist regime’s specific aims. Altogether, I would qualify the above discussed as additional required characteristics of facism: a strong and charismatic leader worshipped by the people, a social culture in which the nation’s aims are prioritized over the individual (resulting in hypernationalism), and identification as well as use of force against opponents by those in power.
The issue with facism, and classifying modern states as such, is that there are no universally agreed upon, indisputable qualifiers. The words “often” and “associated with” are used in facism’s definition, thus lacking an actual, firm meaning. In my opinion, comparative government historians should come up with such a definition, as they have for qualifying totalitarian vs. authoritarian vs. democratic regimes. Only then can there be true debates of whether facism is present. However, with rapid technological improvements, the expansion of social media as a platform, and global attention on human rights including several multinational organizations, the existence of facism has become considerably more difficult today. This further complicates the definitions as using conditions of earlier fascist regimes. Whether modern populist ideologies that have similar qualities to those forms of facism can in fact be called such, is debatable.
Our desire to use the term facism in the modern day perhaps derives from, as New Republic’s “Does American Facism Exist?” states, “an insult, a performative reflection of the user’s desire to make the object of their derision disreputable”. Or at least, without a definition, that’s how it may appear. I believe using the word facism can at times destroy the meaning and terror of the word. A para-fascist state might be more appropriate, which recognizes conservative authoritarian rule.
For the United States, and the rise of Donald Trump, we meet the conditions of a charismatic, worshipped, authority, a populist movement, and heavy conservatism that identifies and discriminates against the weakest groups, though it should be noted that Trump himself has not specifically mobilized forces against these groups. Undoubtedly, he has incited the violence through his speech, which led to a threat to democracy on January 6th, 2020. Therefore, it is remarkable and terrifying how much he has been able to do even in the modern states. I believe we can classify dangerous factors in our present, but due to the factors that do not exist, we should be grateful that we are not living in a fascist state. However, with Project 2025, and some of Trump’s supposed plans, there is certainly much to fear with increased use of force and anti-intellectualism – yet even after all this whether the state would be “fascist”, is still under debate. First it would, particularly in the United States, be difficult for the government to control the media, as it is one of our heavily fought for, fundamental, freedoms – the largest buzzword in the country since its very existence. Sure, as long as propaganda is out there on a large platform, whether it is support or opposition, the campaign is successful (thus the danger of polarizing platforms including Fox News and CNN), but it does not show the degree of control perhaps mandatory to call a state fascist. And in a more literal show of force, whether opposition could realistically, massively be crushed is unlikely. Again, I would return to the term para-facism, as the only possible transition from a democratic state such as the United States, even in an era of a neo-fascist mood.